Author Archive

Weekly update on expulsion of refugees to Haiti, Take Action

The Biden administration continues to expel Haitian refugees at an alarming rate. 15,920 Haitians have been expelled on 148 flights since the current wave of mass deportations began on September 19. Over 18,000 Haitians have been expelled since Biden took office.

There have been 32 flights thus far in January (through the 21st), with two or three flights every day. Most flights are departing from Laredo, a border town in Texas, and are mostly Title 42 expulsions. Consistent demographic data is hard to get – Immigration and Customs Enforcement provides nothing, and confirms nothing publicly. However, based on reporting from the International Organization on Migration in Haiti, which receives those expelled, 18% of those expelled through December 31 were children, indicating that a large percent of removals are families.

This week*

Tuesday: Two flights from Laredo, TX to Port au Prince, total numbers were not available. However, it was reported that 79 of the people who arrived on these flights tested positive for COVID-19.
Wednesday: One flight with 127 people, including 58 children, of whom 38 were reportedly infants (0-2 years old).
Thursday: Two flights with 238 people, including 48 children
 
Friday: One flight with 72 people, 28 children, 22 of whom were less than 2 years old.

Media: Rafael Bernal and Rebecca Beitsch,”Rift grows between Biden and immigration advocates,” The Hill, January 20, 2022, and Charlotte Weiner, “Why the Haitian Struggle Matters for Anti-Racism Activism,”  January 18, 2022

* Many thanks to Steve Forester of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, who provides a daily report about these expulsions.

Take Action to Halt the Flights

Contact your members of Congress and push them to speak out against this policy. We have prepared a message you can send here. Time permitting, take the extra step of calling your members of Congress, House and Senate, and ask them to publicly oppose these removals.

There is organizational sign on letter demanding an end to these expulsions being coordinated by Haitian Bridge Alliance and others. You can read that here, and sign here (organizations only!).  Deadline for signing is January 25, 2022

 

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Seed delivery from Gros Morne to Camp Perrin

Seeds being offloaded in Camp Perrin

On August 14, 2021, a series of earthquakes struck Haiti’s southern peninsula, leaving 2,400 people dead and doing enormous damage to the area’s infrastructure. Like most of Haiti outside of Port au Prince, the peninsula is a predominantly agricultural area. Damage to roads and bridges, the death of farm animals, and mudslides from the tropical storm that struck the area a few days later, have all conspired to threaten food production. Farmers struggle to get supplies for the winter planting, and are cut-off from markets in Port au Prince due to armed groups controlling the roads into and out of the city.

In response to the earthquake, the Quixote Center is funding direct cash payments to individuals in the impacted area. We emphasize cash payments over other types of  aid in order to support local markets, especially local and regional farmers, who can see their livelihoods damaged further when markets are flooded with imported food aid. Where markets are open, and local supplies available, supporting the local economy is better for Haiti in the long run.

Even if supplies become difficult to source nearby, they can often still be sourced from other parts of Haiti. Though transport is difficult, it is worth the effort to build connections within Haiti for relief efforts.

Quixote Center partners with an agro-ecology program that includes a seed bank near Gros Morne, Haiti. With support from the Quixote Center, our partners at the Jean Marie Vincent Formation Center purchased seeds from farmers in Gros Morne and delivered them to farmers near Camp Perrin, which is located near the epicenter of the August earthquake.

Guy Marie Garcon, who coordinates the program at the Jean Marie Vincent Formation Center, wrote, 

The community of Gros Morne has often been a victim of hurricanes and earthquakes in recent memory, so we understand the pain of the farmers in the South. We have the possibility to help our compatriots in the South, which is why we propose to send seed support for planters in [Camp Perrin]. We would send them good quality bean seeds, so that they can replant their gardens. By purchasing these seeds from farmers in Gros Morne, we would provide good quality local seeds for the farmers in the South, rather than importing them from abroad. We know that our seeds will grow well in the South.

Of course, we faced a struggle getting the seeds delivered, as there is no safe way to drive them directly to Camp Perrin. The driver from Gros Morne delivered the seeds to a program partner’s office in Port-au-Prince safely, but he did have to navigate roadblocks in St. Marc to do so.  

Once in Port-au-Prince, the seeds waited for a couple of days for safe passage south.

The seeds were delivered to the Sacred Heart Parish in Camp Perrin on Saturday, January 15th, and from there will be delivered to 100 small farmers, ultimately providing assistance to 450 people in Toirac and surrounding areas like Mailloux, Sous De Vie and Barat. 

It is a small project, but is an example we hope will grow. Rather than bring in outside supplies that displace Haitian growers, we are supporting local growers. For those of you who donated through our emergency response fund, we thank you for your generosity.

 

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Biden marks anniversary of earthquake by expelling more Haitian refugees

Flight Eastern 3503, taking Haitian refugees from El Paso to Port au Prince, Jan. 12, 2022

Twelve years ago today, a massive earthquake brought down buildings throughout the Port au Prince area, killing hundreds of thousands of people and displacing many more. As a result, January 12 is a national day of mourning in Haiti.

For the United States it is just another day to expel Haitian refugees – 443 Haitians were expelled today on three flights. 

In September of this year, the Biden administration launched a massive removal campaign against Haitians. It is still going on. Many of those expelled in this time began their journey to seek a liveable life outside of Haiti in the months after that earthquake. 

Between September 19, 2021 and January 12, 2022, the Biden administration has expelled 14,800 Haitian refugees on 137 flights. Most have been removed under Title 42

For context, it is important to be very clear about the following: People who are seeking asylum are not “illegal” immigrants, and under US law, we are obligated to screen their asylum claims, no matter how they enter the country

That said, the right to seek asylum has been illegally limited under Trump-era “Title 42” enforcement measures enacted by an ill-conceived pronouncement from the Centers for Disease Control and Protection in March 2020. Under “Title 42” the CDC claims that migrants can be removed as quickly as possible, with no access to asylum processing outside of a narrow provision under the Convention Against Torture. In reality, CAT screening is widely denied as well. 

For the most part, Haitians cannot simply be expelled at the border under Title 42. They must be flown out. This means detention in congregant settings, ground transportation and flights – all of which make a complete mockery of the “public health” justification for upending asylum processing.

Title 42 is thus an abrogation of international obligations concerning the treatment of refugees, and is, prima facie, a violation of US law. And yet, Biden persists, and regarding Haitians, does so in a way that greatly increases the risks to their health.

Based on numerous reports we know people are put on planes by Immigration and Customs Enforcement without being told they are being sent to Haiti. Adults are often shackled during flights.

On the ground in the United States, immigration authorities treat Haitians horrendously. Haitians are detained, denied attorneys, and mostly denied the chance to make a formal request for asylum. Though the Biden administration has made some exceptions for families, it is not a uniform policy. Nearly 20% of those removed since September are children. 

The International Organization for Migration is supposed to provide $120 to Haitians on arrival for relocation assistance – but this assistance is not consistently granted. Returnees are then processed and shown the door at the airport. People who left Haiti a month, a year, or even a decade ago, find themselves pushed onto the streets of Port au Prince at a time when insecurity is about as bad as anybody can remember. 

We think this is wrong. If you agree, please join us in sending a message to members of Congress, asking them to speak out against removals to Haiti, and to Biden, demanding an end to all Title 42 removals.  

 

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Thank you, Chuck Kaufman!

For information and to register for online memorial service for Chuck Kaufman: https://afgj.org/chuck-kaufman-memorial

I knew I was going to write something to honor my friend Chuck Kaufman, who died last week in Tucson. At first it was a poem (shared below). As I started to write something more, I realized I was writing about myself. Everything I know about Chuck has come from working with him or in spaces he helped to create. Indeed, a big part of my life has been lived on top of foundations that Chuck was instrumental in laying down.  

In 1994, fresh out of school, I began volunteering with the Committee in Solidarity with the People of Central America (CISCAP) in Eugene, OR.The first organizing activity I was involved in was a counter-mobilization to the official celebration of the 50th Anniversary of the Bretton Woods Agreement – the agreement that created the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (which later morphed into the World Bank Group). The counter mobilization led to my first conversation with Chuck Kaufman. The Nicaragua Network (Chuck, Kathy Hoyt, and especially Soren Ambrose) was part of organizing much of the preparation for the activities.  It was the first of many such conversations. 

The following year I met Chuck in person during a coordinating meeting for a nascent Zapatista solidarity network. Later in the year, I met Chuck and Kathy Hoyt on my way to Nicaragua for the first time with Witness for Peace – the Nicaragua Network being one of the organizations assisting with orientation for our delegation. I moved to D.C. in 1996, working first with the Witness for Peace national office and then in grad school in College Park. Throughout it all, Chuck was ever present. In 1998, what was by now the Alliance for Global Justice, co-coordinated the founding conference for what would become the Mexico Solidarity Network. I attended, having just returned from Chiapas with Witness for Peace. A couple of years later, (April 2000) the Alliance was one of the organizers of the Mobilization for Global Justice, a call for mass civil disobedience aimed at shutting down the IMF and World Bank spring meetings. I bumped into Chuck in Philly later in the year protesting the Republican National Convention. I even interviewed Chuck and Kathy several times for my dissertation on international solidarity and labor rights in Nicaragua.

A year after that I was marching with tens of thousands of other people against the looming war in Afghanistan, and later, Iraq. Again, Chuck was in the middle of all of this as a founding member of the board for the international ANSWER coalition. 

Once I started working at the Quixote Center in late 2001, I was often working alongside Chuck and Kathy, be it the Stop CAFTA Coalition (in which CISPES played a huge role), co-organizing several Latin American Solidarity Conferences, and any number of smaller protests in D.C. 

By the late 2000s I had moved to Houston (and left the Quixote Center for a while). The Alliance (and Chuck) moved to Tucson. Although I did not see Chuck much in person after that, our work still connected us. He was part of the Occupy Wall Street “occupation” of Freedom Plaza in D.C. in 2011-2012. He showed up again with water defenders in 2014, and through the fiscal sponsorship program of the Alliance for Global Justice, was part of the support network for the Black Lives Matter movement and a host of other organizations. Chuck remained committed to the cause of Venezuelan solidarity long after it was fashionable on the left to do so. He also led or sponsored many delegations to Honduras and Colombia through the years. 

If this tribute to Chuck seems overly autobiographical on my part, it is the result of Chuck’s commitment to, and capacity for organizing. To be sure, everything noted above was the result of the labor of many people, and in some individual cases, Chuck’s role may have been relatively small. However, he was always there, and not just in attendance as I often was, but more often having played some role in making the event happen. This story can be told by hundreds, if not thousands, of other activists whose lives at some point intersected with Chuck or a project he or the Alliance played a role in creating or supporting. Indeed, so many people that it is not really “my” story any more.  

The best organizers build. In Chuck’s case, alongside many others at the Nicaragua Network and Alliance for Global Justice, he built a dense ecosystem of organizations that invite many, many people in, and make a place for them. 

So, it seems to me the best tribute I can make to you, Chuck, is to simply say thank you for inviting me in, and making a place for me and so many others in the movement. Even if we had never met, I would have done this work. But I would not have done many of the things I ended up doing without your labor, friendship and camaraderie. Thank you!!!

P.S. When I read that you died, I wrote this poem. I share it again.

Chuck, 
this morning 
I heard the news
of your passing.
For a moment 
I thought, somewhat selfishly,
that we should have had
that virtual lunch we spoke of,
a few months ago,
but then never planned. 
It had been too long
since we spoke,
and now…

The light has been passed on,
or more precisely,
the flame, not extinguished
but shared once more;
diluted in the air above Tucson,
and nourishing the ground.

But this is how you lived,
passing the torch,
one person, one formation.
one movement at a time.

Your life,
at least that portion of it you shared with me,
was the waves that ripple out
from the stones throw,
– that sinking, all encompassing
call to justice;
waves touching and lifting
those around you. 

So, when we say “presente”
it is a presence called into being,
from the many lives you’ve enriched.
Like the water and the flame,
you have been elemental.

And all that said, Chuck,
mostly, and somewhat selfishly,
I’m just really going to miss you.

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Despite ongoing crises in Haiti, Biden keeps expelling Haitians from the US

On Monday, December 20, the Biden administration sent three removal flights back to Haiti, with over 340 people on them including 32 children. As we move into Christmas week the administration plans to send planes every day back to Haiti, except for Christmas eve. Since taking office, the Biden administration has removed over 14,000 people to Haiti; at least 11,100 since mid-September. 

How can the Biden administration justify bringing together people to discuss the multifaceted problems in Haiti, acknowledging in the process the deteriorating security situation, and still deport thousands of Haitians back to Haiti – many of whom were never even given a chance to apply for asylum under the Biden administration’s ongoing enforcement of Title 42. The Miami Herald’s editorial board lifted up this contradiction (in an otherwise problematic call for UN intervention):

“When the Haitian gang, named 400 Mawozo, kidnapped 17 Christian missionaries in October, the United States warned Americans on the island to get out— now. All the while, the Biden administration was sending planeloads of Haitian migrants in the United States back to their violent homeland. The message? Haiti’s too dangerous for Americans, but it’s good enough for Haitians.”

Since Biden took office we have demanded that deportations be halted. We’ve been joined in doing so by hundreds of human rights and immigrant organizations, members of Congress, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the editorial boards of the Washington Post, the New York Times, the Miami Herald, the Boston Globe and others. Members of Biden’s State Department team have quit over this policy. And yet Biden persists under the delusion that somehow if the United States keeps being cruel to Haitians and others this will deter people from trying to come to the United States. 

While it seems that just about everything has been tried already, we can’t stop demanding. If you would like to join in these efforts, and you can send a message to your member of Congress, encouraging them to speak out. And join in this petition to end Title 42 and the Biden administration’s renewal of the Migrant Protection Protocols. Share with friends.

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Biden must halt removals to Haiti. NOW!

On Tuesday, December 14 the Biden Administration sent two full removal flights to Haiti. These were the 94th and 95th such flights since Biden launched mass deportations to Haiti in mid-September. The deportations are ostensibly a response to an increase in the number of Haitians attempting to cross into the United States in September. 

The September “crisis” was splashed across major media outlets with photos of 15,000 Haitians and others under a bridge between the Rio Grande and the Del Rio port of entry in Texas. At the time, Biden’s Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, Alejandro Mayorkas, claimed that 8,000 Haitians were immediately returned to Mexico. Since then, thousands more have been expelled: Beginning September 19 of this year, the Biden Administration removed over 10,000 Haitians from the United States in expulsion and deportation flights to Haiti. (IOM data as of Dec 12 here -there have been three flights since.)

Between January and March of 2021, the Biden administration expelled over 2,000 Haitians. 

Human rights organizations, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and several Members of Congress have denounced the removals, without demonstrable impact on the White House. Indeed, A DHS spokesperson said that, according to the US embassy in Port au Prince, the situation in Haiti has improved, and thus people could be safely returned. 

This is untrue.

The security situation in Haiti has deteriorated significantly since July – with the assassination of Haiti’s president that month, and an explosion of gang activity since, especially kidnappings. The Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti’s most recent human rights report begins, “the government has continued to dismantle the country’s accountability systems, which has fueled unprecedented violence by gangs,2 many with government connections, as well as a continued deterioration of the social and economic conditions in the country.”

Added to this, a massive earthquake in the southern peninsula in August left close to 500,000 people without secure shelter. The violence has hampered recovery efforts. Food insecurity is on the rise, as are prices for nearly everything due to fuel shortages. Yet, Biden has seen fit to expel 10,000 refugees back to Haiti – even as the Civil Rights division of the Department of Homeland Security warned that doing so constitutes a violation of the US commitment of non-refoulement under international law. 

To add insult to injury, The Biden Administration has utterly failed to deliver on its promise to assist the Government of Haiti and the International Organization on Migration’s efforts to receive people. The US delayed promised aid, leading the IOM to provide far less relocation assistance than earlier agreed upon. Most people received little more than the price of a bus ticket from the airport in Port au Prince or Cap Haitian to their home. Meanwhile, a massive Immigration and Customs Enforcement corporate partner, the GEO Group, cashed in with a $15.76 million contract to organize removal flights to Haiti in September and October.

Although Biden maintained a progressive immigration stance during the election, he has failed to assemble a progressive coalition on immigration during his presidency. Historically, the treatment of Haitians has been an indicator of the direction of future US immigration policy. This is true now as well.

The Biden Administration has also expanded removals to southern Mexico, alongside new direct expulsion flights to Honduras and Guatemala over the last two months. To be clear, these new flights are not regular deportation flights, but summary expulsions under Title 42. The United States has been expelling people from Central America and Mexico back into Mexico with minimal processing, and no opportunity to request asylum since March of 2020. 

However, because many people try to re-enter the United States once expelled, the Biden Administration expels people by plane to get them as far from the border as possible. As with Haitian removals, expulsion flights to southern Mexico and Central America make a complete mockery of the public health dimension of Title 42 – under which the Centers for Disease Control and Protection directed the Department of Homeland Security to expel people immediately to avoid detention and processing in congregant settings. You can’t fly people out of the United States without first holding them in a staging area, e.g. “congregant setting” – exactly what Title 42 was supposed to avoid. 

We invite you to join us in condemning ongoing removals to Haiti. You can send a message to your member of Congress asking them to raise their voice in opposition to Biden’s Haiti expulsion policy by using our Legislative platform here.

We also invite you to join us in demanding an end to Title 42 by signing (and sharing) this petition to the Biden administration.

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The United States’ dismal human rights record: Title 42 and Haiti

Photo Courtesy of John Lazarre & Guerline Jozef

December 10, 2021 marks the 73rd anniversary of the formal approval of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations General Assembly. The United States voted to approve the declaration in 1948 along with 47 of the then 58 members of the United Nations (there were eight abstentions, and two not-voting). The Universal Declaration was a bold claim that everyone on the planet was entitled to a core set of rights, regardless of where they lived. It was and remains a powerful vision. Yet it is one that is wholly unrealized in the lives of the vast majority of people on the planet.

One has to look no further than the United States treatment of Haitians and others at the US border with Mexico to get a glimpse of how far we are from realizing the vision of universal human rights.

Title 42

Since January, the Biden administration has summarily expelled close to one million people. That is, one million people denied the right to make a claim of asylum under the provisions of a “public health” order issued by the Trump administration. The order is referred to as “Title 42” in reference to the section of the federal code under which the Center for Disease Control and Protection claimed authority to suspend asylum in March of 2020. It has been widely criticized by immigrant and human rights organizations, as well as public health professionals, including some in the CDC itself. Nevertheless Biden has maintained, and indeed expanded, the use of Title 42. 

Under Title 42 people are immediately removed to the last country of transit. In theory, this applies to both Mexico or Canada, but there have been comparatively few Title 42 expulsions back into Canada (in FY 2021 there were 7,500 Title 42 expulsions on the northern border, compared to 1.1 million on the southern border). The public health rationale for this abrogation of international responsibilities rests on two things: The threat that COVID-19 holds for Border Patrol personnel if forced to monitor and process people in congregant settings, e.g. held in Border Patrol stations. And the related claim of a lack of capacity to safely quarantine and test people in custody (though testing is readily available now).  (See page 11-16 in linked report)

As a result, migrants encountered by Border Patrol are summarily expelled – most within 2 hours of being encountered. The catch is that Mexico and Canada have to agree to take people back. Mexico agreed to accept Mexican nationals, and people from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras when Title 42 was first announced. These four countries make up over 90% of the people encountered at the United States/Mexico border – but it leaves others, like folk from Haiti, in a legal limbo. Though some have been removed to Mexico anyway, most are detained in congregate settings within the United States, in a complete contradiction of the stated rationale for the policy, until they can be expelled by plane. 

The public health argument has never really been the point, of course, and so the fact that the Department of Homeland Security fails to implement its own operating procedures when it comes to enforcing Title 42 is hardly surprising. Indeed, the Biden administration has also argued that Title 42 provides a needed deterrent to migration. The logic is that if people know they will be summarily expelled from the United States – they won’t attempt to come in. Deterring people from seeking refuge in one’s country by meting out harsh treatment to those who try is, of course, a violation of human rights. 

The “shipwreck of civilization” at Del Rio and beyond

This week Pope Francis visited migrant camps in Greece. Against the backdrop of the official misery created by European xenophobia, he lambasted the region’s leaders for their poor treatment of migrants, and the political impulse used by nationalists throughout the continent to sow hatred and fear against refugees for political gain. He referred to this situation as the “shipwreck of civilization” and could have just as easily been talking about the United States. Though there are many parallels one could point to between Europe and the United States in their shared determination to offload responsibilities for migrants and deny refugees entrance, the Biden administration’s deployment of Title 42 against Haitians stands out as particularly relevant.

It was just in September that the Biden administration decided to use Haitians as a prime example of its deterrent strategy, basically tossing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in a trash can in the process. When an unexpected (officially at least) increase in the number of Haitians seeking entrance into the United States occurred at the Del Rio border crossing in Texas in mid-September, the Biden administration launched a mass removal process that has led to the expulsion of over 9,000 Haitians back to Haiti (official IOM data as of November 26, 2021. There have been 6 flights since), and reportedly (at the time) another 8,000 back into Mexico – despite Mexico’s heretofore reluctance to accept Haitians under Title 42. 

At the time, the administration claimed that there were a total of 30,000 migrants encountered in the Del Rio sector and that an “estimated” 12,000 were able to avail themselves of asylum protection. This is misleading. According to Border Patrol figures, just under 18,000 Haitians were encountered in September. Given the larger numbers discussed, I am assuming the 8,000 Haitians Mayorkas said were basically pushed back into Mexico in September are not counted in CBP’s official tally of “encounters” for that month. Either that, or Maryokas was simply guessing. 

Over half of the 18,000 people officially encountered have been removed since mid-September – including thousands supposedly placed in Title 8, or regular immigration processing. Some Haitian families were able to avail themselves of asylum processing. However, it is clear that this was a delay tactic, as many have been expelled anyway. Indeed, nearly 20% of those removed to Haiti via plane have been children indicating a high number of family expulsions.

It is not safe to return people to Haiti. As the situation in Haiti continued to deteriorate over the summer, in August, the Department of Homeland Security’s Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties warned the administration that returning Haitians to Haiti risked, “violating US civil and human rights obligations,” according to an internal document obtained by BuzzFeed News

When the increase in Haitians arriving in Del Rio occurred a month later, however, all of these concerns were set aside.

Really, more of a plane wreck…

From mid-September to Monday, December 6, 2021, the Biden administration expelled nearly 10,000 Haitians back to Haiti on 90 removal flights (September 19 to December 7). In other words, in less than three months the administration has flown more flights to Haiti than any other country except Mexico and Guatemala. Meanwhile, Haitians made up less than 3% of all encounters with Border Patrol in FY 2021. 

Hameed Aleaziz wrote in Buzzfeed News this week, “A DHS spokesperson said that following the earthquake in August, deportations of Haitians were suspended, but that after the embassy in Haiti determined that conditions had improved, they were restarted.”

It is hard to imagine anyone reviewing the situation in Haiti between July and August this year, and deciding conditions had improved. While I reject the way major media outlets continue to employ cartoonish language to describe Haiti in sensationalized terms (failed state, hell on earth, and so on), the security situation has clearly continued to deteriorate. Kidnappings have increased dramatically. The violence in Port au Prince neighborhoods like Martissant, sections of Delmas, and Croix de Bouquet, have led to the displacement of thousands of Haitians. As a result, outside of the capital the situation has worsened, leaving communities isolated and often unable to get needed supplies from Port-au-Prince.

The provision of resources “for the humane receipt” of individuals, amounted to a pledge of funds that was to provide $100 per person for relocation. However, the funds from the United States were late in arriving, and the International Organization on Migration, which was actually doing the work, was left scrambling for resources. People typically received far less than the pledged amount, often no more than the cost of a bus ticket home. For many of the people expelled in this way, it was the first time they had been in Haiti in years. Almost all of those expelled from Del Rio had arrived at the U.S. border via South America, where many Haitians resettled in the years since the massive earthquake in 2010.

Under such circumstances, it is not a surprise that many of those returned have reportedly already left again. The increase in the number of people leaving Haiti by boat in recent weeks seems an indication of this desperation.

Human rights debacle

The obscenity of the removal policy to Haiti – and its illegality – has been pointed out by many. Recently it directly led to the resignation of the US Special Envoy to Haiti, Daniel Foote, who wrote in his resignation letter:

I will not be associated with the United States inhumane, counterproductive decision to deport thousands of Haitian refugees and illegal [sic] immigrants to Haiti, a country where American officials are confined to secure compounds because of the danger posed by armed gangs in control of daily life. 

Removals to Haiti were also a contributing factor to the resignation of State Department legal counsel Harold Koh – who introduced his detailed resignation letter:

I write first, because I believe this Administration’s current implementation of the Title 42 authority continues to violate our legal obligation not to expel or return (“refouler”) individuals who fear persecution, death, or torture, especially migrants fleeing from Haiti.

Finally, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi issued a statement calling on the US to end Title 42 enforcement, saying, 

The summary, mass expulsions of individuals currently underway under the Title 42 authority, without screening for protection needs, is inconsistent with international norms and may constitute refoulement. 

The realization of universal human rights remains a principle worth fighting for. But in the United States over the last year, we can see why that realization still feels distant. Biden has doubled down on the Trump campaign against asylum – indeed for Haitians in particular, Biden has proven to be much worse. So, as the speeches are made this week, marking the anniversary, remember that we have a long way to go. Even the most basic right to seek refuge – a right of crucial importance to the framers of the Declaration writing in the wake of World War II – is widely being denied across the globe.

And the United States under president Biden still remains among the worst violators.

Join us in calling on the Biden administration to end MPP and Title 42, and restore asylum with respect to the human rights and dignity of all migrants by signing our petition HERE

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Sanctions and Sanctimony: The RENACER Act and the futility of US policy in Nicaragua

Two weeks ago, the US House of Representatives passed the RENACER Act by a large margin with the hope, one assumes, of putting pressure on the people of Nicaragua to rethink voting for Daniel Ortega. That election took place on November 15, and Ortega won anyway – though, predictably, with opposition figures decrying the numbers. 

The entire election process in Nicaragua has been under scrutiny by the United States, European Union and multilateral bodies for over a year now. As far as the United States goes, it has routinely called for “free and fair” elections, all while the US State Department puts the whole foot of the US government on the scale in an effort to tip the outcome of the same election. Meanwhile, the United States’ firm commitment to achieving a stable non-Sandinista electoral coalition in Nicaragua is now celebrating 30 years of failure*. In typical US style, it is marking the occasion not with reflection, but by doubling down on that failure with more sanctions.

To be clear, US hypocrisy is not a reason why anyone in Nicaragua should accept the violation of human rights. So, It is certainly worth pointing out that 15 candidates for next week’s national and local elections in Honduras have been murdered since October, while an opposition presidential candidate was just arrested for money laundering. Also worth noting that President Bukele in El Salvador has jailed many of his foes, is in the process of pushing through a new law to scrutinize non-governmental organizations, and is even engineering a path to re-election, despite a constitutional limit of one term. All these moves have been met with silence (Honduras) or muted critique (El Salvador) by US policy makers – certainly no talk of wide-spread sanction. Of course, for people in Nicaragua who are critical of Ortega and see opportunities to voice those criticisms narrowing, the fact that folk in Honduras and El Salvador may be worse off is not much consolation. 

Nevertheless, as evidenced by this divergent treatment, we know, everyone knows, that the United States government is not really promoting democracy in Nicaragua. I’m not sure the State Department actually knows what it is doing – but nothing it has done has helped opponents of Ortega one bit. The opposition is more fragmented today than it was before April of 2018, and that is at least in part the result of US ham-handed “civil society” engagement, conducted alongside a very public commitment to remove the FSLN from power – ostensibly through elections, but who knows what the next step will be now that the electoral route is closed. 

Publicly, at least, the next step is enhanced sanctions. On Tuesday, November 9, Biden signed the RENACER Act into law as an official response to the elections in Nicaragua (to which point it is important to note, the RENACER Act was introduced in March of 2021, and was thus NOT constructed as a response to the elections, but as an effort to sway them).

So, what is in the RENACER Act?

The RENACER Act:

Presents the “sense of the Congress” that Nicaragua’s status under the Central American Free Trade Agreement shall be reviewed by the Biden administration. Threatening the removal of Nicaragua from CAFTA has been discussed by a handful of members of Congress – this bill pushes the initiative further. 

Amends the NICA Act to require extensive reporting and oversight on the part of the Treasury for any loans given under the humanitarian exception written into the NICA Act’s mandate to oppose new loans from the World Bank and Interamerican Development Bank. This is a response to new lending in the wake of the hurricanes that struck NIcaragua last November;

Expands targeted sanctions, e.g. sanctions against individuals which can involve freezing assets held in the United States, blocking travel and/or even invalidating international contracts. This section largely reiterates what is in the NICA Act already, but it goes further in actually providing specific suggestions for sanctions (I quote directly from the act as it is instructive): 

“officials in the government of President Daniel Ortega;

“family members of President Daniel Ortega;

“members of the National Nicaraguan Police;

“members of the Nicaraguan Armed Forces;

“members of the Supreme Electoral Council of Nicaragua;

“party members and elected officials from the Sandinista National Liberation Front and their family members;

“individuals or entities affiliated with businesses engaged in corrupt financial transactions with officials in the government of President Daniel Ortega, his party, or his family; and

“individuals identified in the report required by section 8 as involved in significant acts of public corruption in Nicaragua” [referenced below]; 

 

Adds Nicaragua to a list of countries subject to sanctions over corruption;

Mandates a “classified” report on corruption involving Ortega, his family, and members of the government. (Why classified?);

Mandates another classified report on the activities of the Russian Federation in Nicaragua;

Mandates a report on Nicaragua’s purchases of military equipment and foriegn support for intelligence services.

And, another report on human rights violations in rural areas;

And yet, another report concerning restrictions on press freedom.

 

Sanctioning the families of Sandinista party members is particularly revealing. Sanctioning members of the Sandinista party, for simply being party members, and their families, has nothing at all to do with promoting democracy. Presumably people will have to also demonstrably engage in corruption to be sanctioned. But if that is the case, why identify categories of people based solely on political affiliation for investigation?  Are Constitutional Liberal Party legislative representatives immune to such sanction? It is hard to read this as anything other than an attempt to intimidate Sandinista party members.

Further, the RENACER Act extends multilateral sanctions by doubling down on the NICA Act’s proposed limits on the World Bank and IDB funding. Though William Robinson and others have tried to minimize this impact, the NICA Act did lead to a suspension of assistance from the World Bank, which did not extend any new lending to Nicaragua in 2019 and most of 2020. It also led to a serious reduction in lending from the Interamerican Development Bank, even during the worst months of the COVID-19 crisis last summer – with only one program funded in August of 2020. Lending was haltingly renewed following the hurricanes in November of 2020, but multilateral program funding in Nicaragua still lags behind other Central American governments. The RENACER Act won’t immediately change any of this. Nevertheless, the US government is determined to make new, if limited humanitarian spending harder to deliver.

The one feature of the RENACER Act that could have a huge impact is the threat to Nicaragua’s participation in CAFTA. Nicaragua has done better than other countries under CAFTA’s rules. The much feared impact on rural communities from agricultural dumping from the US was moderated by Nicaraguan government support to rural communities, which was extended through opening credit access, housing and infrastructure expansion.  Nicaragua now imports less food than it did in 2006. Meanwhile, the Sandinista government encouraged foreign investment in multiple sectors and expanded free trade zone operations. The result was that Nicaragua led Central America in economic growth for many years prior to 2018, but also became more dependent on the United States as a trade partner – more so since Venezuela’s economic collapse (thanks to US sanctions) has effectively closed off that market. 

 

It is not clear that the US has the legal standing to unilaterally expel Nicaragua from CAFTA. Certainly doing so will set up a fight in the shadowy trade dispute courts that govern the world’s economy, where investor rights supersede sovereign considerations. The mandated review is thus probably more of a bluff than a serious policy proposal. That said, threatening to expel Nicaragua could scare investors away, and given the fragility of the economy in recovery, that could do damage. Time will tell. 

 

In the end, while the “international left” debates what Nicaraguans should be doing, we remain focused on what US Americans should be doing about the very real democracy deficit in the United States – the one that leads the US government to act with impunity all around the globe as it seeks to pick winners and losers in elections from Haiti to the Ukraine – and, yes in Nicaragua. The US government does not always get the outcome it wants – but it never stops trying.   

 

*Just to note that while it is true that US pressure and financing did lead to the formation and eventual electoral victories of non-Sandinista coalitions in 1990, 1996 and 2001, all of those coalitions collapsed shortly after taking office. They governed little, but oversaw the deconstruction of most public institutions and the impoverishment of the majority of Nicaraguans. Seems that opposition to the FSLN is not really sufficient as a governing strategy. A lesson lost on US policy makers, as well as most of the opposition organizations they fund.

 

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Kim Lamberty: Racism, Colonialism and Haiti

Below is the text version of a presentation by Quixote Center Executive Director Kim Lamberty, DMin upon receiving Pax Christi’s 14th Annual Peacemaker Award, November 7, 2021. A video of the presentation is below.

Thank you. I have worked with many of you for a long time and it is special to be recognized by one’s peers and communities.  Thanks also to each of you present this evening –I am feeling the love. 

Tonight I will look briefly at a history of racism and colonialism through the lens of Haiti and Haiti’s history.  The idea is in part to refocus on Haiti, given the current situation of extreme violence, food insecurity, vulnerability. In talking about Haiti I am also going to talk about the ways in which a racist, colonial economic system is still at play, and offer some thoughts about what we can be doing differently.

Brief narrative of Haiti’s history 

In 1492, Columbus landed on the island known as Haiti by the indigenous Taino population, and promptly renamed it Hispaniola.  He established the first Spanish settlement there, and after successive Spanish settlements, within 100 years the indigenous population had been destroyed. By the late 1600s, the half of the island that is known as Haiti had been ceded to the French, who turned it into a giant coffee and sugar plantation. At its peak, half of the Atlantic slave trade went to Haiti. This plantation economy depended on the deforestation of high-value trees, extreme violence toward the people who they had enslaved, and forced conversion to Catholicism. By the time of the Haitian revolution, the French side of the island was the world’s top producer of coffee and sugar and France’s most profitable colony. One out of every 8 people in France derived their living from this trade, which was entirely dependent on the enslavement of Africans.

Analogous stories happened in other European colonies. Haiti was one of the most profitable, but the other European countries also earned extraordinary profits through colonizing, pilfering, and enslaving Africans and indigenous. This is where European wealth came from, the same wealth that, for example, provided funding for religious orders and missionary work. 

The Haitian revolution began as a slave rebellion that ultimately defeated Napoleon’s army to form the first Black republic in the Western Hemisphere in 1804.  Thomas Jefferson responded by imposing a trade embargo, and the United States refused to recognize Haiti until 1862. France cut off all trade until the Haitian government agreed to pay them reparations for lost  “human and territorial” property. Haitian went from one of the most profitable territories in the world to a situation of destitution from which it has not recovered. There is much more to the story, such as US occupation, US support for dictators, US interference in democratic elections, US treatment of migrants fleeing an untenable situation, that continued to oppress the people of Haiti over the ensuing decades and centuries.  This is not unlike our history in other Latin American countries, many of whom also have not recovered from what was done to them during the colonial period.

The Poverty-Industrial Complex

European colonialism was based in an ideology of white supremacy and an economic system that enriched some people at the expense of vast forced labor—because if they had to pay people, they would not have gotten nearly so rich. One can draw parallels to today…because paying substandard wages, or paying low prices for natural resources from vulnerable countries, still makes some people very rich and others very poor. So now let’s jump ahead to today, a situation where Haitians frequently refer to their own country as the Republic of NGOs. I call it the poverty-industrial complex.

Economically vulnerable countries, such as Haiti, are also home to many of the natural resources required to sustain the lifestyles of wealthier countries. Coffee is one of them, and hopefully by the end of this conversation, you will see why I got into the coffee business. Obviously there are many other commodities that one could focus on. 

The economic system that we are all functioning in is focused on maximizing shareholder wealth. Companies buy natural resources, or the labor it takes to produce their product, at the lowest possible amount they possibly can, and sell the finished product for the highest possible amount they can, keeping the profits from those sales for themselves, and their shareholders, which are often one and the same. They get cheap labor and resources from vulnerable communities and countries who are kept in a permanent state of need because they are never paid enough to live on. Consumers—that is you and me—are complicit in this system because we are conditioned to pay the lowest amount we possibly can for the goods that we consume, often without doing the work to understand the impact on labor, as well as on producers, in vulnerable countries. It also takes an environmental toll because resources are extracted in the cheapest manner possible without regard to impact on the planet.

Obviously there are exceptions, both on the industry side and on the consumption side. But by and large this is what we are dealing with in terms of how wealth is generated. From profits.

The NGOs come in to mop up the mess in poor countries and communities, trying to bridge the gap between what people are getting paid for goods and services, and what they actually need to live on. NGOs raise money from the exact same people—the wealthy—in other words, from many of the same people who are profiting off of poverty. There is a lot of money to be made off of poverty, which is why we still have it.

Let’s take the coffee industry. Coffee is a top export from economically vulnerable countries, so it is worth looking at. It impacts 25 million small scale growers, or around 100 million people total, although most coffee is grown on large plantations owned by wealthy landholders. The current international price for coffee is between 2 and 3 bucks per pound, which is actually quite high by historical standards. In most cases, that money goes to a plantation owner, who pays very low wages (or none at all) to hired labor for what is very difficult work. We also know that there is slave labor in the coffee supply chain, in particular in Brazil, which is the top global exporter of coffee. In some cases, when small farmers have formed cooperatives, they get a larger portion of that money, but a chunk of it still goes to the coop to pay for its own expenses and salaries. And how much do you pay for a pound of coffee? Studies have shown that the bulk of the income from coffee sales goes to large roasters, who are the ones making the profits.

The people making the profits give from their excess to NGOs, who then use a substantial amount of that money to pay their own salaries, and to create the infrastructure needed to deliver aid. This means paying for offices, trucks, warehouses, computers—etc., in addition to their own salaries, which are often very substantial.  It is really hard to find information about how much actual cash gets into the hands of people in need, because organizations include their own salaries and infrastructure in their reported “program costs.” What would happen if we just took all that money and gave it to people in need? People know what to do with it. Instead, we have developed a jobs-creation program for people such as myself. It is an industry that depends on poverty to survive, and a whole lot of jobs are at stake. Many of them are connected to churches.

I have heard numerous Haitians point this out: Money that gets raised for Haiti does not go to Haiti—it goes to aid workers. My question is, how is the poverty industrial complex that I am describing not still colonialism? 

The Cost of Colonialism

People kept in a permanent state of need will take action to support and protect themselves and their families. If they have the opportunity, they will migrate to a place where they think they have a better chance of making a living—and so we are seeing the huge cost of the poverty-industrial complex at our borders, and at borders around the globe. What’s happening at the US-Mexico border is minuscule compared to what is happening in Africa, home to the largest refugee camps in the world. 

Economically vulnerable people also join armed groups as a way to resolve their lives. In Colombia, I had conversations with people who simply said that young people are joining armed groups because they have no other economic opportunity. Studies have been done that confirm that this dynamic exists elsewhere: young people in particular will join armed groups if they think they do not have other options for making a living. This is just as true in the US as it is in Haiti, Colombia, Palestine, and Guatemala.

Many of our interventions into this dynamic take place in order to alleviate the damage done without addressing the root cause of the damage. We have the best of intentions when we work to change US immigration policy, or when we provide support for migrant camps, or we oppose the sale of weapons, or we do gang intervention work. And obviously, we have to do those things, and it’s not likely that these symptoms of a much larger problem are going away any time soon. 

According to the Gospel, “The poor you will always have with you.” (Matthew 26:11) The poor we will always have with us because there will always be natural disasters, or pandemics, or other catastrophes that befall us—it is the human condition. We live in a state of insecurity, and there will always be a need for a selfless response to those in need. So I’m not saying that all aid is bad, and during my time at CRS I saw some great examples of aid at work. But the conditions we see right now—extreme endemic poverty in places like Haiti, widespread food insecurity, violence, and a global migration crisis—these things do not always have to be with us. 

In order for those things to not always be with us, we need to get beyond addressing the symptoms, and get to the actual causes. If you want peace, work for justice! Paul VI was right—he just didn’t come up with the right or complete remedy. At the end of Populorum Progressio he advised everyone to contribute to the aid organizations!

Frequently, when we say we are addressing the root cause what we are actually doing is shoring up the poverty-industrial complex, rather than focusing on dismantling the systems and structures that will lead to significantly increased income generation for vulnerable families and communities. In other words, it’s not good enough to develop an industrial campus in northern Haiti—what the Clintons did—if the jobs don’t pay well enough to live on and local farmers are displaced. It’s not enough to develop a coffee program in a vulnerable community if all the growers get is a dollar or two dollars a pound—because that helps the roasters in the US but does not bring producers out of poverty. I don’t even like using the term “root cause” anymore, because it has been co-opted.

People are poor because they don’t have enough money, or assets to generate money. This is not rocket science. If society wanted to fix this, it would. The problem is that really fixing it would require economic sacrifice on the part of the wealthy. 

What Justice Looks Like

We started Just Haiti to address these economic justice issues. The organization is run by an all-volunteer team of 9 people. Each of us has another job, and each of us plays a significant role in Just Haiti operations.  We pay the highest price for green coffee in the industry, and all profits from sales go to the growers—because as we noted earlier, wealth is generated from profits. Our producers tell us that they use the profits to pay school fees for their kids, to cover unexpected medical expenses, to plant food crops, or to grow their coffee business. Our work is another level of ethics than what is practiced by most NGOs, even the most progressive ones.

People tell me it is unsustainable, and I say really? What is it actually and concretely going to take for us to reverse and dismantle a racist, colonial economic system? What we are doing at Just Haiti is at least part of what it is going to take, because what we are doing is actually dismantling it. What would happen if everyone did it? And a shout out to the Just Haiti board, a wonderful community of volunteers that it is my privilege to work with. They are making many personal sacrifices –it is a lot of work to run the organization and we do it together. Community is what makes this work fun as well as sustainable, and we have developed a fabulous community over the years. And by the way, you can buy our coffee at justhaiti.org.

The Quixote Center, where I just took over as executive director, is engaging in some similar cutting edge work in another part of Haiti which does not involve coffee or exports but does involve agricultural development. I just started as part of the Quixote Center community, but my expectation is that it will be just as much fun and sustaining.

I’m sure that many of you already buy fair trade products. Unfortunately, not all fair trade is alike. If your favorite fair trade company advertises that it is using its profits to install a water system in its producer communities, then they are also part of the poverty-industrial complex. Why aren’t they paying their growers enough so that the community can purchase and maintain its own water system? So buy fair trade—it is a huge step in the right direction—but buy it with a discerning eye and ask questions about how the proceeds are used. 

There are other things we can do that most of you already know about: support local farmers, purchase from black and brown-owned businesses, do business with registered B Corps. I invite each one of us has to be very intentional about this as an act of anti-racism, as violence prevention, and as a means to dismantle an unjust economic system. 

It’s not enough, unfortunately. The vast majority of CEOs are never going to give up their lucrative salaries for the sake of a better standard of living for workers and producers, whether in the US or elsewhere. It can, however, be addressed through the tax code. Right now, we have a tax system that favors the wealthy because of the low rates levied against high income and against capital gains, which come from stock sales. The incentive is to collect greater and greater income, especially through stock, because it isn’t taxed all that much. De-incentivize it through the tax code by increasing tax rates on the wealthy. Getting involved in advocacy on tax as well as wage issues is also a part of the solution. 

 There are lots of other ideas and suggestions that I am sure many of you could add. The point I want to leave you with is that I think the cutting-edge work right now is the economic system. While many folks in wealthy countries are doing well, the gap between rich and poor has gotten astronomical in the last few decades. And the point of talking about Just Haiti is to say that there are concrete things we can do to dismantle this system. 

Luann Mostello told me she hoped my presentation would spark interest in engagement with Haiti, and I hope that, too. And at the same time, as already noted, Haiti has way too many NGO actors from the United States already. My perspective on this is that instead of establishing more siloed projects, we do a better job in Haiti working in partnership, pooling our resources, to support cutting-edge work that dismantles an unjust, oppressive economic system. Through partnerships, Just Haiti has worked to replicate our model, with some great successes and some failures as well. We learn from our failures and do better the next time. I would really like to replicate the Quixote Center’s work in other communities as well. I have been the long-term consultant for a sisters of Notre Dame deNamur project in Les Cayes that established a local bakery—I would like to see that project replicated. Given the violence, insecurity, and vulnerability to natural disasters, Haiti remains a challenging place to work. And at the same time, given the history of racism, colonialism, and exploitation on the part of the US, it seems to me that Haiti is exactly where we belong.

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Haiti: Celebrating the Jean Marie Vincent Center in Gros Morne

We have been writing a great deal about the multiple crises in Haiti as well as the treatment of migrants from Haiti in Mexico and at the United States border. Sometimes it feels as though keeping up with these very important issues takes time away from celebrating the wonderful work that is also happening in Haiti, in particular with our partners at the Jean Marie Vincent Formation Center in Gros Morne. So, today we want to update on the activity of the JMV Center and also discuss a little bit how the program is fairing in light of the political and economic challenges the country is facing.

As a quick overview, our work with the Jean Marie Vincent Formation Center began in 1999. At the time, we were called upon to support a community initiative to reforest a mountain slope on the edge of town. Erosion from the mountain was causing the river to silt up and led to mudslides during the rainy season. That mountain, Tet Mon, is now home to 200,000+ trees. It was an effort that launched the Center onto its current multifaceted programs to assist smallholder farmers and other families in the area. The programs all emerge in response to locally identified needs and strategies, though expertise on things like planting techniques to isolate pests infesting sweet potato harvests, or determining the optimal percentage of soy to put in chicken feed, is welcome from anywhere.

There are three broad areas of work, and multiple projects within each: Reforestation, material support and formations to small farmers throughout the communal sections of Gros Morne, and the gardens and facilities at the JMV Center itself. Despite the crisis impacting the country, which has been felt by everyone in Gros Morne in different ways, the program keeps going.

Reforestation

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Every year, the tree nursery at the JMV Center and related satellite nurseries distribute 50,000 to 60,000 trees. The number of seedlings that make it from the Center and into the ground varies due to weather conditions. Having young trees prepped and ready to get into the ground when the rains come is always the goal. Drought or flooding, however, can ruin the best-laid plans.

Yet, over the last 5 years, the team has given out nearly 260,000 trees. The trees are distributed through community organizations and schools, and the delivery of trees is always accompanied with training about how to take care of the trees. In addition to reforestation trees, there is an emphasis on the delivery of fruit-bearing trees that provide both food for families and a potential source of income.

A particularly innovative project the agronomy team from the JMV Center is engaged in is Project Lorax. This project provides trees to families for the purpose of sustainable charcoal harvesting. Cutting trees for charcoal is often listed as one of the chief causes of deforestation in Haiti. Yet, the practice is necessary for many families to earn an income. Project Lorax is an effort to engage that reality but in a sustainable way. Trees are planted in three year cycles.  Families that participate are offered incentives to care for the trees. At the end of the third year, the trees are ready for harvest. 40,000 sapling trees have been delivered over the past 3 years in Perou as a testing site.

Formations

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The team from the JMV Center engages in training on a variety of themes. In recent years, the topics that have led to the greatest number of workshops are planting techniques to minimize weevil infestation in local harvests, planting yard and patio gardens (alongside participation with JMV Center’s seed bank), and water preservation (workshops on drip irrigation as well as maintenance and use of water cisterns).

Several years ago, a weevil infestation was destroying sweet potato crops throughout the communal sections of Gros Morne. Sweet potatoes are a staple crop for families in the area, and losing 40-50% of the plants was devastating to small farmers. The agronomy team at the JMV Center immediately went into action, using the JMV garden as a test site to develop planting techniques using special “weevil traps.” Over the last several years 2,000 families have benefited from agronomy team workshops on these planting techniques. Not only has the weevil infestation been contained, but bringing farmers into the program, the team has been able to also share additional knowledge about soil and water preservation, crop rotation, double digging garden plots, and so on. The result is that yields have increased.

The agronomy team has also worked with 2,200 families participating in the seed bank program. The seed bank purchases vegetable seeds at bulk prices, often in the “off-season” when prices are lower. It is also used for bean and corn deposits, cuttings for sweet potatoes and yams, and other tubers. In preparation for the planting seasons, the agronomy team organizes workshops to help families prepare yard and patio gardens, as well as prepare fields for planting. The seed bank provides the service of storage, and encourages, through the resulting lower cost for seed purchases, participation in formations through which sustainable techniques are given to farmers.

Sustainable water use is probably the biggest challenge facing small farmers. Rainfall is unpredictable, and extended periods of drought conditions are not uncommon. Over the last year, the agronomy team from the JMV Center has been doing trainings on drip irrigation that are accompanied by the installation of water cisterns (the water cisterns were the result of a donation from the Sisters of Mercy Haiti program).

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The Jean Marie Vincent Formation Center

Father Jean Marie Vincent. Image: Haiti Information Project

The bulk of Quixote Center resources that go to support the work of the JMV Center is actually expended keeping the infrastructure in place. This means purchasing fuel, purchasing project inputs like seed bags and root trainers, and covering the salaries of agronomy team members. At the heart of this work is the Center itself. The JMV Center is hosted on land donated by the Monfortan Brothers in honor of the last Father Jean Marie Vincent, a staunch advocate for peasant farmers who was gunned down in Port au Prince in 1994 during the last months of the Cedras’ coup regime.

Father Vincent’s vision for Haiti’s smallholder farmers was tied to education and liberation. Father Vincent eschewed a charity model of church engagement. He wanted to see Haiti’s farmers have access to the tools they needed to sustain their livelihoods, and he was willing to challenge the country’s elite to create the space for this to happen.

This is a vision that still animates the work of the Jean Marie Vincent Formation Center, and that of the Quixote Center.

If you like the work we are doing in Haiti, you can donate to support it here.

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Contact Us

  • Quixote Center
    P.O. Box 1950
    Greenbelt, MD 20768
  • Office: 301-699-0042
    Email: info@quixote.org

Directions to office:

6305 Ivy Lane, Suite 255. Greenbelt, MD 20770

For public transportation: We are located near the Green Belt metro station (green line)